5. Examination of Certain Hypotheses

5.1 In this chapter I propose to deal with three matters which were agitated before me at some length, though they have only a remote and indirect bearing on the facts under inquiry, viz.

1. what was the exact nature of relations between Nehru and Bose;
2. was Bose declared a war criminal liable to be tried and punished by the special tribunal set up for this purpose; and
3. what is the significance of the earliest enquiries regarding Bose conducted by Intelligence and secret service personnel.

It will be seen at once, that the answers to these questions may throw some light on Bose's attitude and his plans, but they cannot afford much assistance in the investigation of what happened on August 18, 1945. But since it has been argued that these matters are helpful in understanding Bose's character and the plans he may be assumed to have made (when no positive evidence of such plans is available) they demand more than a passing reference in this report.

5.5 In these letters there is not the slightest sign of hostility or antipathy. There is an expression of regret on the part of Nehru for the differences in a national organisation. There is anxiety to avoid a split and a spirit of what may be called* sweet reasonableness. It has often been said about Nehru that he never entertained any venom or feelings of recrimination, and that although he was imprisoned a number of times by the British Government, he found it in his heart to be friendly towards the British after independence. It was the system he fought against and not the individuals who were no more than instruments through whom the system was administered. Indeed, not even the worst detractors of Nehru ever accused him of being vindictive or revengeful. After independence when the question of Bose's family and any assistance which they might need arose, Nehru took every possible step to help them. He was, at all times, agreeable to any measure designed to provide financial or other aid to Mrs. Bose and his daughter, Anita.

"Shri Aurobindo Bose, nephew of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, told pressmen in Calcutta on Friday that he was proud of her because she was fully inspired by the ideology of her illustrious husband." "His aunt, Mrs. Emilie Schenkl, was eager to come to India with her daughter Anita." "He informed that Prime Minister Shri Jawaharlal Nehru had written to Mrs. Bose some time ago requesting her, as a friend of Netaji and in his personal capacity, to come to India and spend a couple of months here."... "Shri Bose stated that when he took leave of them at Vienna, Mrs. Bose gave him some souvenirs of Netaji. Among them were photos of Netaji and his wife, the stone extracted after a gallstone operation on Netaji."..."In reply to the question why the news of Netaji's marriage had not been disclosed earlier, he said it had been withheld for the safety of Mrs. Subhas Chandra Bose and her child, because Austria was then under the occupation of the Allied Powers."

5.7 Another nephew of Netaji, Amiya Nath Bose, who has appeared both as Counsel and witness in the present proceedings, wrote to Nehru on June 10, 1952, saying: "I want to send, from time to time, small sums of money to my aunt in Vienna." In another letter he gave the name and address of his Aunt as: Frau Emilie Schenkl, Ferrogasse 24 Vienna. Bose's family was quite enthusiastic about his widow and daughter until Lalita Bose made a suggestion in 1958 that Netaji Bhawan in Calcutta should be handed over legally to Anita. To this suggestion Amiya Nath Bose, at first, objected as also another nephew Dwijendra Nath Bose. They seemed to have agreed to the transfer somewhat reluctantly. But when Anita's visit to India began to draw near, they had second thoughts. On November 1, I960, Pradip Bose, who is another nephew of Netaji, wrote to Nehru that the members of the Bose family were meeting "on 9th November to discuss problems which her visit will entail and also to fix up a comprehensive programme for her." In this letter Pradip Bose did not question Anita's relationship with Netaji, and admitted that she had written to him. At this time somebody appeared to have thought that Anita intended to stay permanently in India. A question was asked in Parliament, and the reply given was that the daughter of Netaji was likely to visit India in December, 1960. Anita arrived in Calcutta and was warmly welcomed. Then she paid a visit to Delhi where she arrived on December 17. The Sunday Standard of December 18, 1960, published a photograph of her and also the following news item:

Miss Anita Bose, 18-year old daughter of Netaji Bose, arrived here today by air from Calcutta for a five-day stay. Miss Bose, who is accompanied by two other members of the Bose family, Dr. Sisir Bose and Lalita Bose, was received at the airport by Mrs. Nayanatara Sehgal, niece of Prime Minister Nehru. Miss Bose will be the guest of Mr. Nehru during her stay in the capital. Mr. Nehru received her affectionately at his residence...."

5.8 Some time after this, Haripada Bose raised a point that Anita was not Bose's daughter at all. The cry was taken up by other members of the Bose family apparently for the reasons that Anita's relationship posed a threat to their interest in the property left by Subhas Chandra Bose. Nevertheless, Nehru continued to feel the greatest concern for Bose's widow and child, and took steps to assist them financially. Apart from the small sums of money which Amiya Nath Bose sent her through the Indian Embassy in Vienna, Nehru created a Trust in the sum of Rs. 2 lakhs out of INA Relief Fund. The major portion of this money was drawn from the proceeds of a film depicting the career of Netaji. There was also a contribution of Rs. 45,000 by the West Bengal Government. The income from the Trust money was regularly sent to Mrs. Bose in Vienna. The Trust property was to become the property of Anita Bose when she attained majority. Emilie Schenkl wrote to Nehru expressing her gratitude for creating -a Trust for her daughter, Anita Bose. "May God bless you", she concluded, "for this noble gesture". Nehru took a personal interest in the drafting of the Trust Deed and the manner in which it was to be administered. Indeed, he showed far more concern than Bose's family. As early as 1958, when Anita was expected to pay a visit to India, Bose's nephews were not too eager to receive her. Dr. B. C. Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal wrote to Nehru on December 5, 1958:

"I have been discussing the question of Anita's coming over to India. I am enclosing a note, which will give you an idea of the present position regarding the house in Elgin Road. If the heirs of Subhas Chandra Bose are not ready to receive Anita, it will be difficult for her to come and stay at the Elgin Road house, even if she wants to. Under the circumstances, I have told Lalita to inform Anita not to come to India at the present moment."

As already stated above, Anita did pay a visit to India in 1960 and was warmly received, but the warmth was prompted by the knowledge that she was not interested in her late father's property and intended to go back Europe after a brief stay.

5.9 There is not the slightest evidence to indicate any feeling of hostility on the part of Nehru towards Bose. The political and ideological differences between them, which arose in 1938, had vanished with the passage of years, and after 1947, when India attained independence, these differences had no relevance whatsoever because the raison d'etre of these differences was the divergent means which Nehru and Bose thought should be employed to attain independence. Independence having been achieved, the means, which might have had relevance in 1938, were now a matter of no consequence whatsoever. There is nothing to indicate that Nehru would not have welcomed Bose after 1947, had Bose been alive and had he chosen to make a public appearance. In fact, he stated on several occasions that he had always entertained sentiments of respect and affection for Bose.

5.10 With regard to the remark which Nehru is alleged to have made that should Bose invade India with the assistance of Japanese forces, he would oppose him (Bose) with force, no evidence has been produced to indicate when and in what circumstances this remark was made. It has been alleged by Shri Dwijendra Nath Bose that Nehru did make such a remark during the course of World War II. But it is clear that even if this remark were made, it does .not indicate any hostility on the part of Nehru towards Bose. All that Nehru must have meant was that he would have opposed Japanese domination of India to the same extent as he had been opposing British domination. Bose entering India with Japanese assistance could only mean one thing, viz. India would become a colony or a suzerainty of Japan, and to this Nehru was wholly and sternly opposed.

5.11 It has been argued that, in 1946, Nehru was invited by Lord Mountbatten to visit Singapore. There the two leaders drove together in an open carriage and gave the appearance of being friends and political allies. Nehru had been asked to place a wreath on the INA Memorial, but he was dissuaded from doing so by Mountbatten, Mountbatten had the Memorial demolished and Nehru did not raise his voice against this revengeful act of vandalism. So, it was alleged, Nehru was clearly hostile to Bose.

5.12 But Nehru's visit to Singapore in 1946 was not in answer to an invitation issued by Mountbatten. The visit was in pursuance of a resolution passed by the Congress Working Committee on 7-11- 1945. The Working Committee appointed an INA Inquiry and Relief Committee. The purpose of this Committee was to gather information and give relief, where needed, to the I.N.A. personnel. The Committee consisted of 12 members, of whom Jawaharlal Nehru was one. The Working Committee then appointed "Jawaharlal Nehru to proceed to Burma and Malaya to inquire into the condition of Indians there and to arrange for their defence and other help." It was in pursuance of this resolution and this direction of the Working Committee that Nehru went to South-East Asia. He met Mountbatten there, but this was a chance meeting. There is not a shred of evidence to indicate that Mountbatten had invited Nehru to Singapore or that he went there in response to such an invitation. Nehru did go to the site of the demolished I.N.A. Memorial and brought back with him marble slabs which had formed part of the Memorial. These he handed over for safe custody to Shah Nawaz Khan. In the circumstances, it was the most natural thing for Nehru to do, because Shah Nawaz Khan, who had been tried as a traitor for taking part in the I.N.A. campaign against the British and proved to have been Bose's staunch supporter and loyal friend, was expected to handle the marble pieces with the care and respect they deserved. Also, it was natural for Shah Nawaz Khan to take the slabs to the safety of his residential house in Rawalpindi. In the disturbed and uncertain conditions prevailing in the country towards the end of 1946, Shah Nawaz Khan did not think it wise to expose the precious marble slabs to the danger of communal frenzy at Delhi where their identity would be immediately discovered. It was unfortunate that unanticipated events made it impossible to bring the slabs back to India, But nothing in this unhappy episode indicates Nehru's hostility or indifference towards Bose.

5.13 Let us now examine the contention that the Inquiry Commission appointed under the Chairmanship of Shah Nawaz Khan in April, 1956 was a stage-managed event, calculated to suppress the truth and mislead the public into believing that Bose had died in consequence of receiving fatal injuries caused by the crash of an aircraft in which he was travelling. A veiled allegation to this effect was made at the very first public session of the Commission when Shri Amiya Nath Bose stated that he had a very poor opinion of Shri Shah Nawaz Khan's forensic talent and the way in which he had conducted the inquiry. Shri Balraj Trikha, a little later, suggested that the report should not be considered by the Commission and Shah Nawaz Khan should not be allowed to quote from it. Shri Amar Prasad Chakravarti was more forthright, and at the hearing at Calcutta, on November 2, 1970, he posed the rhetorical question: "Is it not a made to order report to support the statement of Nehru which he made in 1952?" He went on to say: "Had not the report been placed before Parliament, I would not have cared; people would not have cared for this trash, this planned report". He called upon the Government to declare the report null and void. Suresh Chandra Bose, Netaji's elder brother, who was a member of the 1956 Committee, said in the course of his evidence that an attempt was made to corrupt him and purchase his assent to the majority report by the offer of a governorship. This offer, he said, was conveyed to him through Shah Nawaz Khan, who spoke to him at Tokyo where the Committee was recording evidence in the course of its inquiry. Later, when he declined to sign the report, approved and signed by S/Shri Shah Nawaz Khan and Maitra, Suresh Chandra Bose was subjected to pressure and coercion by Dr, B. C. Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal. Hence the report was a contrived and tendentious document and was proof of Nehru's hostility towards Bose and his determination to suppress the truth and mislead the public.