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An Appeal
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The Counter-manifesto

18th November, 1929

Lord Irwin returned to India and soon after his arrival, he issued a statement on October 31st, 1929, saying that he had been 'authorised by His Majesty's Government to state clearly that in their judgment, it is implicit in the Declaration of 1917 that the natural issue of India's constitutional progress, as there contemplated, is the attainment of Dominion Status'. He further stated that a Round Table Conference would be held in London after the publication of the report of the Simon Commission as had been suggested by Sir John Simon himself.

...Mr. Vithalbhai Patel persuaded the Viceroy that he should personally meet the Congress leaders, Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Motilal Nehru, and attempt an understanding with them. To this the Viceroy agreed and the interview took place in December. But before that, he had to prepare the ground by arranging for a gesture to be made on behalf of the leaders as a reply. Thus there met at Delhi in November the conference of leaders of all parties. The conference by an overwhelming majority decided to issue a manifesto appreciating the sincerity underlying the Viceroy's pronouncement and tendering cooperation to His Majesty's Government in their effort to evolve a Dominion Constitution for India...Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru did not at first agree with the other leaders and intended issuinga contrary manifesto together with the writer. But towards the end of the meeting, Mahatma Gandhi prevailed upon him to sign the leaders’ manifesto on the ground that he was the President-elect of the Lahore Congress, and the manifesto would lose much of its value if his signature did not appear on it. Thereafter Dr. S. Kitchlew (Lahore), Mr. Abdul Bari (Patna) and the writer issued a separate manifesto opposing the acceptance of Dominion Status and also the idea of participating in the so-called Round Table Conference.

The Indian Struggle

We attended the conference convened by Pt. Motilal Nehru at Delhi for the purpose of considering the pronouncement of H.E. the Viceroy, but for reasons which we shall presently explain we were unable to subscribe to the statement issued by Mahatma Gandhi, Pt. MotiLal Nehru and other leaders. We regret that owing to the short time at our disposal we have not been able to consult friends in different parts of the country who would agree with us over this question. But we have no doubt that in this statement we are giving expression to the views held by a very large section of our countrymen.

After giving the closest consideration to the Viceregal pronouncement, we are constrained to say that the statement, as it stands, contains nothing over which we could enthuse. This will be borne out if we examine the two important commitments made by H.E. the Viceroy on his pronouncement, viz. (i) definition of Responsible Government as Dominion Status and (2) provision of a conference between representatives of the British Government on the one side and the representatives of British India and Indian States on the other.

With regard to the first we would like to point out to those who may feel enthusiastic over the Viceregal announcement that there is no mention in that statement as to when Dominion Status will be granted. We, however, stand unequivocally for Complete Independence not as a distant goal but as the immediate objective and if Dominion Status were granted by 31st December 1929, we would still stand out boldly for Complete Independence. We gave expression to this view at the session of the Indian National Congress at Calcutta and it will be our duty to reiterate it when the Congress assembles at Lahore in December next.

With regard to the second commitment, we feel that the conference proposed is not really a Round Table Conference and we would request our countrymen not to give it that dignified appellation. The machinery and procedure laid down in connection with the Simon Commission for determining how the Indian constitution should be amended are to remain intact. It is not clear whether the conference will be confined to representatives of the British Government on the one side and the representatives of the Indian nationalists on the other. Nor is it known that the conclusions to be arrived at by the conference will be final and binding on both the parties. In the circumstances, the proposed conference cannot by any stretch of imagination be called a Round Table Conference.

It may be turned down by the Liberals and the Conservatives; we should strengthen their hands by offering our co-operation in response to the Viceregal announcement. This only betrays the existence of inferiority complex in themselves. There is no reason why we should have this undue solicitude for any political party in England, for freedom will come not as a gift from Great Britain, but through our own sacrifices, suffering and struggle. If any political party in England is opposed to India's freedom, a time will soon come when they will realise that it is in England's interests to recognise India's right to be free.

In conclusion, we would ask our countrymen not to be misled by pious statements of the Viceroy and the Secretary of State but to increase their efforts in the task of preparing: the country for the situation they will have to face at the time of Lahore Congress. The ultimatum delivered at the Calcutta Congress expires on 31st December 1929. If Dominion Status is not granted by then, the Congress as a body will have to follow up the ultimatum to its logical conclusion. It is therefore, imperative that our attention should not be distracted in the slightest degree from the task we now have In hand, viz, preparing the country for coming crisis.

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