Logo Mission Netaji Slogan Netaji
  MISSION NETAJI
  PRESS RELEASE
  EDITORIAL
  OPINION
  MN IN NEWS
  REGISTER
An Appeal
Our aim is to create an online archive of all information related to Subhas Chandra Bose. If you have any unpublished document, photograph or audio-visual material, or even out of print books/magazines,we request you to share it with us, so that we can share it with everyone through this site.
 
 
RTI
 

You Can Also Visit
Mission Netaji
www.missionnetaji.org
 

"Even if Dominion Status is conceded today, we cannot accept it as a fulfilment of our national demand"

Statement at the Subjects Committee, Calcutta Congress, 1928

I had no desire to speak anything or to say anything on the new resolution moved by Mahatma Gandhi at yesterday's Subjects Committee meeting. But I have been pressed by several young friends to give expression to my views on the resolution and incidentally to give utterance to their views in so far at they are in consonance with mine. I wanted to have my say and actually sent in a note to the President but owing to the closure motion being carried I was prevented from doing so. Later on, I attempted to make my position clear by means of a statement, but unfortunately I was gagged by the President.

I would like to make it perfectly clear at the outset that to far as I am concerned I do not desire to vote against the resolution or to stand in the way of our older leaders. Nevertheless it is my duty to say exactly what we in Bengal, and, I believe, the younger and progressive section in the Congress feel and think on the matter. In the first place I fail to understand why the resolution passed in the All-India Congress Committee at Delhi was given the go-by by Pandit Motilal Nehru. That resolution represented an honourable compromise between the two schools in the Congress and Panditji was a party to that compromise. The younger school were not altogether satisfied with that resolution but they accepted it as a compromise in the larger interests of the country. Mahatmaji considers that resolution to be self-contradictory. We venture to think that if that resolution is self-contradictory, Mahatmaji's new resolution is not less so. A reference to the last paragraph in the resolution will bear out this statement.

The implication of the resolution is that if the British Government accepts the constitution on or before the 31st December, 1929, the Congress will adopt it and thereby commit itself definitely to Dominion Status. This is a position to which we can never agree. Even if Dominion Status is conceded today we cannot accept it as a fulfilment of our National Demand. We stand for "Independence" not in the distant future to be as our immediate objective. The cleavage between the two wings in the Congress, is, therefore, fundamental. We in Bengal had great hopes that among the older leaders at least Pandit Motilal Nehru would be with the younger school, and take upon himself the task of leading and building them. But for the time being that expectation has not been fulfilled. But we still hope that ere long he will be whole-heartedly with us.

Everybody realises, and our older leaders also do so, that we shall not get even Dominion Status however unanimous our demand may be, unless we are able to devise sanctions. The resolution in question does not mention any sanction. The campaign of non-cooperation is to be organised not for the purpose of enforcing our demand but in the event of non-acceptance of it by the British Government on or before the 31st December or in the event of its earlier rejection. Unless the campaign of non-cooperation or some other effective sanction is resorted to at once, it is sure, as the sun rises in the East, that our demand even for Dominion Status, will be rejected with contempt by the British Government.

Mahatmaji's moving the resolution has created an impression in certain quarters that he is going to take up the leadership, as he did in 1920. This has led many members of the All-India Congress Committee to vote for the resolution. Nobody would be more happy than myself if Mahatmaji could be persuaded to take the lead. I have myself begged him more than once to take up the leadership. When I had been to the Sabarmati Ashram few months ago I assured him that the time had come for bold lead and that the entire younger generation was anxiously waiting for it. From what fell from his lips in Calcutta the other day in reply to a straight question I put to him, I doubt if Gandhiji will take upon himself the task of creating the sanctions for enforcing India's National Demand in the same manner in which he did in 1920.

What we feel most acutely is that at most critical juncture in our history our older leaders have failed to rise to the occasion. After the death of Lala Lajpat Rai and the manner in which it was brought about, after the happenings at Lucknow and Cawnpore and at other places, after the speech of His Excellency the Viceroy, we would have expected our leaders to respond to the attitude of Government in a fitting manner by adopting a policy, at once bold and defiant. Unfortunately, we have been presented with a resolution which does not inspire anyone, which makes no appeal to man's highest emotions and aspirations. And even this unsatisfactory resolution our elders were made to agree to with greatest difficulty.

The resolution when it goes out to the world will have a damping effect on the souls of the younger generations and the effect of it will be that at least for some time to come the Youth Congress and the Independence League will become more real and more living bodies. As the Labour Party In England drew away the most active and virile elements from the Liberal Party by the adoption of a more progressive policy, so also will the Indian Youth Congress and the Independence for India League attract the progressive minds In the Congress. A comparison between a sitting of the All Parties Convention and a sitting of the Youth Congress in the same pandal will clearly show which way the wind blows. It is regrettable that our older leaders do not fully realise what the younger generation think and feel and how rapidly they have advanced within the last few years.

Our task at the moment is quite clear. We cannot waste our time and energy by quarrelling with those with whose views we may be at variance. We have to carry on our work according to our light and the dictates of our conscience. Even if the ideas of our older leaders fall short of ours, we are prepared to cooperate with them whole-heartedly and work under their guidance if their policies and programmes meet with our approval. Inspite of our differences in the world of ideal, it is still possible to have united action in the field of action if only those responsible for the resolution come forward with a fighting programme. Whether their programme of action will come up to our expectation or not, remains to be seen.

There is another point which many of us may have lost sight of. The effect of this resolution will be to affect our international prestige and reputation. International opinion is no small asset to a nation. The Madras Congress gave us an added prestige in international politics which the Calcutta Congress is going lo destroy. I would like to know how our elder leaders are going to compensate us for this loss.

The responsibility which has been cast on the youths of this country is even great and they have to prepare themselves for the task that lies ahead. My faith in them is unbounded and I have no doubt that if the older leaders fail to rise to the occasion, the younger generation will march ahead and lead the country on to the cherished goal of freedom.

 

.

               
 
Home | Biography | Works | Speeches | Indian National Army | Disappearence | Freedom Struggle | Jayasree | Books | Contact
Mission Netaji | Pess Release | Opinion | MN In News | Register | Editorial