The most important political event during 1935, was the passing of a new constitution for India by the British Parliament, called the Government of India Act, 1935. This constitution was brought into operation two years later — in 1937 — when the first elections were held. It is theoretically still in force, though actually suspended since the outbreak of the present war, in September 1939. The new constitution was unanimously rejected by Indian public opinion and, in particular, by the Congress, — because it was a scheme, not for self-government, but for maintaining British rule in the new political conditions, through the help of the Indian Princes and sectarian, reactionary and pro-British organisations.

In the autumn of 1935, Pandit Nehru was suddenly released from prison in order to enable him to join his wife who was on her death-bed in Europe. He spent most of his time in Badenweiler in Germany, visiting London and Paris from time to time. During this visit to Europe, which terminated in March, 1936, he made contacts in London and in Paris which were to influence his future policy. He did not visit such countries as Russia or Ireland which were then regarded as anti-British, though during his previous tour in Europe, he had gone to Moscow. In countries like Italy and Germany, he carefully avoided making any contacts, either because of his dislike of Fascism and National Socialism, or because he did not want to offend his friends in England and France. During his stay in Europe, he published his Autobiography which made him tremendously popular with the liberal section of the English public.

In 1936, Nehru was elected President of the Indian National Congress and he presided over its annual session held at Lucknow in April. He was re-elected President at the end of the year and he presided over the next annual session held at Faizpur in Bombay Presidency. In the Presidential election, Nehru had the full support of the Gandhian Wing of the Congress on both occasions. As President, he held a middle position between the Gandhian Wing and the Congress Socialist Party — causing no annoyance to either, but giving a certain measure of moral support to the latter.

Between 1933 and 1936, the writer toured practically the whole of Europe outside Russia and studied at first hand the conditions of post-Versailles Europe. He was several times in Italy and in Germany, and in Rome he was received by Signor Mussolini on several occasions. He studied, on the one hand, the growth of the new forces that were ultimately to challenge the old order that had been set up by the Treaty of Versailles — and on the other, he studied the League of Nations which symbolised that old order. He was specially interested in the changes that had been brought about by the Treaty of Versailles and, for that purpose, he made it a point to visit Austria-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland and the Balkans. Through travel and study, he was able, not only to understand the situation in Europe at the time, but also to have a glimpse of coming events. In many countries in Europe, he was able to rouse interest in India and to help in founding organisations for developing contact with India. The tour concluded with a visit to Ireland, where he met President De Valera and other Ministers of his Government, as well as the leaders of the republican movement.

The writer spent a part of his time in Geneva in 1933 and 1934 with a view to studying the organisation of the League of Nations and exploring the possibility of utilising the League for advancing the cause of India's freedom. This was also the aim of the veteran nationalist leader, Mr. V. J. Patel, ex-President of the Indian Legislative Assembly, who had come to Geneva for that purpose. Unfortunately, Mr. Patel (1) was taken ill immediately after his arrival and he died in a Swiss Sanatorium in October, 1933. After his death, the writer was left alone but he continued his work in Geneva for some time. During this period, he worked in collaboration with the International Committee on India which had its headquarters in Geneva and he helped in the publication of a monthly bulletin on India. This bulletin was published in three languages — French, German, and English — and was sent all over the world to people interested in India. Towards the end of his stay in Geneva, the writer realised that the machinery of the League of Nations was controlled fully by Britain and France and that it was impossible to utilise the League for India's liberty, though India was an original member of that body. Thereupon, he started an agitation to the effect that India was wasting her money by remaining a member of the League and that she should resign from that body as soon as possible. This agitation found wide support among the Indian public.

During his stay in Europe, the writer was everywhere watched and followed by the agents of the British Government who tried their best to prevent his making contacts with different governments and with important personalities in different countries. In Fascist or pro-Fascist countries, the British agents tried to paint him as a Communist. In Socialist or democratic countries, on the other hand, they tried to describe him as a Fascist. Inspite of these obstacles, however, he was able to do useful propaganda for India and rouse sympathy for the Indian freedom movement in several countries in Europe. In some of these countries, organisations were started for developing cultural and economic contact with India.

In April, 1936, the writer returned to Bombay with the intention of attending the Lucknow session of the Congress. He had been warned in writing by the British Government through the British Consul in Vienna that he would be arrested if he returned to India, but in a spirited reply, he had rejected that warning, challenging the Government to do its worst. He was taken to prison at Bombay, the moment he set foot on Indian soil.

In the autumn of 1936, Mr. M. N. Roy, formerly of the Communist International, was released from prison after serving a term of six years in connection with Bolshevist Conspiracy Case at Cawnpore. Because of his revolutionary past and his international experience, Mr. M. N. Roy was a popular and attractive figure, with a halo round his name. Young men flocked to him and very soon a new group, called the Roy group, came into public limelight.

The New Constitution for India which brought about the separation of Burma from India had been passed by the British Parliament in 1935. This gave the Indian people a certain measure of autonomy in the Provinces. Provincial elections under the new Constitution were to be held in the winter of 1936-37. The Parliamentary Wing of the Congress (which was now synonymous with the Gandhian Wing) began to prepare for these elections and also for the acceptance of ministerial office, thereafter, in the provinces. The Congress Socialist Party had originally opposed participation in these elections — an attitude which was reminiscent of the attitude of the orthodox Gandhiite "no-change party" in 1922-23. Later on, the C. S. Party modified its attitude and supported the idea of contesting the elections, but strongly opposed the idea of accepting ministerial office. The C. S. P. did not have a clear revolutionary perspective and this was probably due to the fact that in the ranks of that Party, there were disillusioned ex-Gandhiites who were, however, still under the influence of Gandhian concepts — while there were others in the Party who were under the influence of Nehru's sentimental politics.