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Through Congress Eyes |
Of the eleven provinces in British India, there is now an absolute or a virtual congress majority in the Legislatures of seven, viz., the United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, Central Provinces, Madras Presidency, Bombay Presidency, and the Frontier Province. The Congress Party has accordingly taken over the reins of Government in these provinces. In Assam, the Government is in the unenviable position of being repeatedly challenged and defeated in the Assembly, but nevertheless it is not yet in a mood to resign. The Bengal Legislature in a case of 'Much bruit, little fruit.'
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Public attention has up till now been focussed entirely on the six provinces where the Congress has a clear majority. But I maintain that the 'Minority' provinces demand greater attention on the part of the Congress High Command.
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Now let us enquire as to why the Congress failed in these provinces.
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The position in the Frontier Province is easily understandable. The terrible repression in that province ever since the exile of the leader, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and his worthy brother, Dr Khan Sahib were responsible for the temporary demoralisation of the Congress Party there. Otherwise, the Congress Party would undoubtedly have come out with a thumping majority. With the returns of Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan to his province the position has altered for the better even at this late hour. The 'Minority' Congress party has converted itself into a majority with the help of alliances, thus enabling the Congress Party to step into office, with Dr Khan Sahib, as the Premier. There is no doubt that within a short time, the Congress Party in the Frontier Province will come into its own, for the Frontier Muslims are as good Congress men as can be found anywhere else in India.
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Sindh is perhaps the most difficult case to deal with from the Congress point of view. Muslims constitute about 74 per cent of the population. It is clear, therefore, that until the Muslims join the Congress enthusiastically, as in the adjoining Frontier Province there can be no hope of Congress majority in Sindh. But will that ever be possible? Why not? The present leaders of the two Muslim parties in the Sindh Legislature are representatives of the landed aristocracy. They can never be the real leaders of the masses. If the Congress Party in Sindh can shed its Bourgeois character and convert itself into a peasant's party, the Congress can sweep the polls in that province. If this is not done, a non-Congress peasant's party will emerge, as it has done in Bengal, and the Congress movement will suffer a definite set-back in consequence.
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In the Punjab, the Muslims constitute about 56 per cent of the population but in an Assembly of 175 members they have 86 seats and the Hindus and Sikhs together have 75. If the Congress Party had been strong, then it could have commanded a majority, provided a section of the Muslims had joined it. But the difficulty is a twofold one. Among the Muslim members the Ministerial party (The Unionists) has overwhelming support. And the Congress party is weakened by internal dissensions, while the Sikhs have been pulling in a different direction. If the Congress party can sink its petty-squabbles and adopt a radical economic programme which appeals to the masses, regardless of their religious denomination, the Congress Party can still emerge as the dominant political party in the province. Will that be possible? It is difficult to say. The task is an uphill one and much will depend on the quality of leadership which the province will throw up.
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Poor Assam has suffered owing to its proximity to Bengal. The number of general seats (Hindu) has been cut down to 55 in an Assembly of 108 members, while the so-called backward areas and tribes have been given 9 seats and the vested interests 11 seats, largely for the benefit of the European planters. The motive behind the Communal Award (rather Decision) in so far as it related to Assam and Bengal, was to make it impossible for the Congress party to get a majority in these two provinces (vide Sir Samuel Hoare's speech in the House of Commons on the 27th March 1933). Nevertheless, in Assam at least, the Congress Party could have won a majority, but for a fortuitous combination of circumstances. The defection of the erstwhile leader of the Assam Congress, Sjt. T.R. Phookan, damaged the Party and the position was worsened by the untimely death of Sjt. N.C. Bardoloi who had succeeded to the leadership. During the election, Assam was completely neglected by the Congress High Command while other provinces like the U.P. came in for a great deal of attention. The future for Assam is far from gloomy — if only the higher authorities of the Congress give some attention to this province. Even now the present ministry is so unstable that it may be bundled out of office any day. In that event, a coalition ministry, with the Congress as the dominant partner, may step in. But it is to be regretted that during the lifetime of the present Legislature the Congress Party will have to remain in a minority.
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And Bengal? The position there is hopeless. With a population of over 44 per cent the Hindus have 80 seats in an Assembly of 250 (with 30 seats reserved for the scheduled castes) while the Muslims have 119. The Vested interests, Europeans and Anglo-Indians have collared as many as 39 seats. Under the present constitution, or rather under the present communal arrangement, the future for the Congress Party in the Bengal Legislature is very dark.
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But are we to throw up our hands in despair? That would not be a sign of statesmanship or patriotism. We have to 'radicalise' the Congress and so identify with the interests of the masses as to make it a real mass organisation. Only thus can we cut across communal divisions and frustrate the intentions of the constitution-mongers at Simla and Whitehall. The future for the Bengal Congress lies in converting it into the one organ of the Bengal peasantry. In that event Congress will once again emerge as the majority party in the Province.
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This should have been done five years ago. But better late than never.
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